Now that Scotsbore is largely
history we may now look forward (?) to an extended debate about the
constitutional fall-out, with the political pundits and chattering classes proposing
all kinds of crack-pot solutions.
Labour will try to revive
regional governments to create a quasi-federal system. The fact that ten years
ago the electorate roundly rejected the notion of yet another layer of
government being loaded onto peoples’ overloaded backs is of no consequence to Miliband. He is
another who believes that ’the gentleman from Whitehall really does know best’.
Perhaps Cameron might care to
use the ‘Crown Dependency’ option. Scotland would then have all powers except
defence, foreign affairs, immigration, customs, the currency and a few
odds-and-sods; full taxation powers; full responsibility to run – and pay for –
all services, its own bank-notes for internal use only. Of course, it would
have no MPs in Westminster, so that would solve the West Lothian question at a
stroke
There is already much talk
about an ‘English Parliament’ and an English First Minister. What for? The
notion is that the UK Parliament would only deal with UK-wide issues. How these
will be determined is not explained, since some ‘English-only’ legislation
would have an impact elsewhere in the UK. Neither are we given any clues as to the
role of the House of Lords, or the composition of the two Parliaments bearing
in mind that the existing House of Commons already has too little work and
there are far too many members.
The Commons has 650 Members.
The Lords has 760. The US Congress has 435 Representatives and 100 Senators. We
can be reasonably confident that an English Parliament will be an increment,
not a substitute, so there will be yet another layer of politicians and
bureaucrats; but it is the people not the politicians who suffer from
over-government. The latter thrive on it.
Cameron’s first move gives a
clue as to how he sees the prospect of the biggest constitutional revolution
since 1688. He has appointed lame-duck William Hague to chair a special Cabinet
Committee in the expectation that it will all be sorted by next May. Given that
time-scale the outcome can’t be anything other than a complete shambles. If the
job is to be done properly it will have to look in detail at governance overall
and answer the ‘who does what?’ question.
The first step should be what
consultants term a ‘prior options review’.
In simple terms, this
requires every function of every Government Department to be thoroughly scrutinised.
The options are, first, stop doing it!
There is an inertia in large organisations that can lead to things continuing to be done long after their
original purpose has ceased (in the 1950s an Army depot carried saddlery to supply
a complete cavalry division although the cavalry had become motorised at least
30 years earlier). The next decisions will cover ‘no change’, move to another
department, move to another authority such as local government, privatise,
contract-out, or shift to a statutory body, government-owned company, or a quasi-
or non-governmental institution.
If this is done properly, the
outcome should be right-sized government with decisions taken at the lowest
level following a major shift of power out of Westminster. Sadly, it has been Conservative
governments that have concentrated government in the hands of an increasingly
remote and disdainful central elite;
Heath with his reorganisation of local government and the courts which abolished
counties and the assizes that had existed since medieval times, and Thatcher
with her centralising urge that turned councils into Westminster satraps.
At the very least this constitutional
debate should aim to shift power downwards, not sideways. It could be achieved in
the 5-year lifetime of a new Parliament. But not in 7 months or by a coalition
government.
It is more likely is that the
whole issue will be kicked down the Yellow-brick Road. Then we can revert to what
we do best. Muddling through.
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